And this has long been associated,in the Western tradition, to a complex discursive capacity that onlyhuman beings are thought to possess. It now“denotes membership in a community of shared or common law,which may or may not be identical with a territorial community”(Pocock 1995, 37). The naturalisation policy of the coalition government is not yet clear but there is likely to be a policy announcement in the coming months.UK naturalisation policy takes as its starting point the 1981 British Nationality Act. extending their temporary stay), or changing to a different visa status. On theone hand, it may offer a promising response to the persistingcomplaints about the alleged incompetence of ‘ordinary’citizens in contemporary mass democracies (Brennan 2016) bystimulating our institutional imagination to create better spaces ofcitizenship for everyone. It can also be defined as the process … Given this reality, the democratic legitimacy ofpolitical institutions above the level of the state is an issue thatcannot be avoided.The liberal model, for its part, gives primacy to the private sphere.Political liberty is seen in instrumental terms: the formal rights ofindividuals secure the private sphere from outside interference,allowing the free pursuit of their particular interests (Dietz 1998,380–81). However, there are also risks to such policies. What immigrants are requiredto display is a “willingness to accept current politicalstructures and to engage with the host community so that a new commonidentity can be forged” (Miller 1995, 129). A global citizen is someone who is aware of and understands the wider world - and their place in it. Inthe same vein, to claim that paying attention to issues of culturalrecognition tends to warp our sensitivity to economic injustice is toassume that we can only be sensitive to one dimension of injustice ata time. If these bonds do not exist, or remain quite weak,what is needed is the construction of a genuine dialogue between themajority society and minorities over what constitutes just relations,through which difference can be recognized. My own definition is that CSR is about how companies manage the business processes to produce an overall positive impact on society. Unless, of course,the capacity of states to act as efficient units of production anddistribution is linked to their being distinctive politicalcommunities with a particular culture of shared meanings worthpreserving.If we discard the abstractions that characterize both the classicaland the liberal conceptions, the citizen sheds his “politicallion skin” (Pateman 1989, 92 quoting Marx 1843) and appears as“situated” in a social world characterized by differencesof gender, class, language, race, ethnicity, culture, etc. A nation grants certain rights and privileges to its citizens.
Are we not expecting too much from democraticpolitical practice under current circumstances?As we will see, differences between conceptions of citizenship centrearound four disagreements: over the precise definition of each element(legal, political and identity); over their relative importance; overthe causal and/or conceptual relations between them; over appropriatenormative standards.Over thirty years ago, Michael Walzer defended such a view, based onthe idea that “distributive justice presupposes a bounded worldwithin which distribution takes place” (Walzer 1983, 31). The principle of mutual aid mayjustify redistribution of membership, territory, wealth and resourcesto the extent that certain states have more than they can reasonablybe said to need (Walzer 1983, 47). While the current citizenship debate had its basis in concerns about cohesion, the tests and other restrictions have in practice become obstacles to achieving the legal status, rather than enablers of integration.The shift to incorporate ideas of identity and belonging into the legal processes of naturalisation emphasises the symbolic dimension of citizenship.
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